Sunday, April 13, 2014

Robert J. Duran (2013), Gang Life in Two Cities: An Insider’s Journey, Columbia University Press

Brian L. Royster
Saint Peter’s University

Scholarly literature pertaining to gangs is primarily written from the perspective of a researcher outside the purview of the gang. However, it is not often that a researcher possesses institutional gang knowledge, coupled with academic credentials and can strategically place a face and voice to the subject matter. This type of research is invaluable because it provides the reader with a peek into gang life. Although there are scores of books regarding gangs, Robert Duran’s, Gang Life in Two Cities, An Insider’s Journey is positioned to separate itself from the pack.
     The book is made up of seven chapters and is partially a narrative inquiry about Duran’s life, which is a powerful way of telling a story and makes it more compelling. The author has conducted this comparative analysis research in two unlikely states, Utah and Colorado, which have not been nationally highlighted as experiencing serious gang problems. In Utah, which is a conservative Mormon state, Duran cites difficulties Latinos faced trying to acclimate. In Colorado, he explains the community’s reaction to an increasing Latino population.
     The author’s status as a former gang member allowed him access to the inner workings of its lifestyle and is the book’s central theme. In Chapters 1 through 4, Duran discusses how he divorced himself from the gang through the help of a support system, but observed other Latinos continually face problems with race relations, intolerance, and immigration into predominately white communities. His book is timely because of the ongoing debate regarding United States immigration policy, and it explores why opportunities for minorities are different from those more fortunate. In a sense, it is an American story continually played out across state lines.
    The author’s depictions about his gang involvement are expressed throughout the book and are important to its authenticity. Nevertheless, what makes the book more interesting are the 145 interviews, conducted with former gang members, which are replete with anecdotes of negative police interactions. Their voices are poignant and afford the reader a greater insight as to why they joined a gang. Duran argues that their harassment by the police is tantamount to racial oppression and has a causal effect on their behavior.
    In examining the author’s interviews, the reader may come away with the impression that gang members are just making excuses.  To that end, Duran cites responses by gang members who claim that their lack of faith in the judicial system and non-support from mainstream society could be argued is strong justification for why gangs exist. Yet Duran counters that a self-fulfilling prophecy expressed by gang members is a more prominent explanation.
     In Chapter 5, Negotiating Membership, he analyzes numerous influences, e.g., marginalized neighborhoods, family survival, gender socialization, friendships and school experience, which are contributory to gang inclusion. This is important because as Duran writes, “the barrios of both Denver and Ogden brought together marginalized individuals who felt blocked from attaining legitimate opportunities” (pg.120). So, can they be blamed for not wanting to fit in and be accepted? Duran argues that the suffering of Latinos due to mainstream society causes them to contain their internal pain, only to inflict it on others.
     Chapter 6, The Only Locotes Standing discusses the reasons that hold gangs together. Duran claims his interest in this phenomenon was inspired by the work of French sociologist, Emile Durkheim and sought to answer the question of “Why did individuals stay committed despite negative outcomes?” It is in this chapter where Duran’s insider perspective sheds light on how the media personified the gang member and gave them a feeling of importance. Nonetheless, he noted that many gang members eventually recognize the internal contradictions and subsequently leave the gang.
    The author posits in Chapter 7, Barrio Empowerment that his research provides alternatives to reducing gang membership and violence. As such, there can be no more an important question confounding law enforcement and academia than why an individual seeks involvement. To his credit, the book is abounding with recommendations and strategies for gang prevention, which are well reasoned and very persuasive. Notwithstanding, his overall objective is to change the gang paradigm and address deficiencies in gang literature. Duran found the literature to be overwhelmingly written by outsiders and contradicts arguments made by critical race theorists (CRTs). Duran contends that CRTs offer a different “voice-of-color” to research and recognizes the importance of insiders.

    Duran’s book is worthy of consideration as an addendum to an introductory gang textbook, and not a primary source, solely because it doesn’t provide a more detailed historical perspective of other gangs, which could be necessary to the reader for contextual purposes. As an insider, however, his research could definitely spark a discussion amongst students in a classroom setting. This book is just as important to academia because it advances the debate, made by many scholars, regarding the credentials of theorists compared with practitioners. Fortunately, Duran’s in-depth examination of his gang experiences and pedagogical research represents both. In addition, law enforcement personnel could also find value in his book regarding how gang members perceive them. Inasmuch as his book may be construed as being biased, because he is Latino and a former gang member, Duran’s slant cannot be discounted thus making his book important for several disciplines.

Sunday, August 4, 2013

The Future of Policing

 The Future of Policing: A Practical Guide for Police Managers and Leaders




Thursday, October 25, 2012

VINDICATION

ESSEX COUNTY — A veteran State Police trooper who said he was retaliated against after complaining the division failed to appropriately investigate claims such as racial discrimination and sexual harassment was awarded $1.06 million Wednesday by an Essex County jury.

Michael Reimer, a lawyer for retired Detective Sgt. 1st Class Brian Royster, said the jury found the State Police and Superintendent Col. Rick Fuentes violated the state Conscientious Employee Protection Act, intended to protect whistle-blowers from retribution for speaking out.

The jury awarded Royster $200,000 for emotional distress, $305,000 in lost pension and $55,000 in back pay, Reimer said. Royster was also awarded $500,000 because the State Police failed to accommodate his disability, as required under the federal Americans with Disabilities Act. Royster said he suffers from ulcerative colitis, a type of inflammatory bowel disease.

"I was vindicated by a jury of my peers and that’s what this was about," said Royster, who retired last year after 25 years on the force. He now works as an assistant professor in the criminal justice department at St. Peter’s University in Jersey City.

Reimer said Royster’s request for punitive damages was denied. A spokesman for the Attorney General’s Office, Paul Loriquet, said the civil verdict was under review and a decision on whether to appeal had not yet been made.

In the lawsuit, filed in 2005 in Superior Court in Essex County, Royster, 48, of Bloomfield, alleged cases pending with the Equal Employment Opportunity and Affirmative Action unit were stalled without reason and those troopers accused of misconduct were allowed to retire rather than be disciplined.

Royster, who was assigned to the unit from 2002 to 2004, said claims of discrimination that might result in civil lawsuits would not be investigated. He said the State Police and state Attorney General’s Office worried about creating a paper trail that might be used against them.

Royster, who is African American, also raised concerns with superiors that white troopers found guilty of offenses such as sexual harassment were disciplined less severely than black troopers, according to the lawsuit. The Attorney General’s Office discouraged him from reporting the disparate treatment, he alleged.

Claims of racial discrimination were nothing new at the time. The State Police were under federal oversight for racial profiling from 1999 to 2009. The division was previously under watch by the federal government from 1975 to 1992 for discriminatory hiring practices.

In December 2003, Royster met with Fuentes and then-Capt. Gayle Cameron to complain about the stalled EEO/AA cases, discrimination and disparate treatment, as well a bowel condition that he had developed because of a hostile and stressful work environment.

Cameron said the allegations would be investigated, and both she and Fuentes’ office asked Royster to accept a position with the State Police academy, the lawsuit said. Royster declined the promotion and said he later learned it was offered because officials feared he might sue.

Royster alleged that despite Cameron’s assurances, his allegations of stalled cases and disparate treatment were never investigated. Cameron retired as a lieutenant colonel in 2008 and was appointed earlier this year as the Massachusetts gaming commissioner.

As a result of his complaints, Royster said, he was passed over for promotions and targeted with an unfounded internal complaint intended to hold up his career. The internal investigation concluded in 2005 because there was insufficient evidence, the lawsuit said.

Royster said that despite his health condition, he was transferred to a task force in Union County that did not provide him easy access to any facilities, which he said was done out of retaliation for his previous complaints.

Royster was eventually promoted in 2009.



Thursday, July 5, 2012

In light of the recent death of Rodney King, does this video revisit his ordeal?
The video reference this post starts around 46:41. FYI, it is disturbing.

http://www.democracynow.org/2012/5/18/all_white_jury_acquits_houston_ex

Saturday, February 11, 2012

What is our country doing to our military personnel?

The Gulf Bio War

How a New AIDS-like Plague Threatens Our Armed Forces

by Alan R. Cantwell, Jr., M.D.

What is the common thread which weaves through the occurrence of the highly contagious disease known as the Gulf War Syndrome, which has struck as many as 60,000 veterans? Dr. Cantwell has found a biowarfare connection.
Paranoia magazine

Since the Nuremberg trials, it has been against international law to use people as guinea pigs in experiments without their informed consent. In an unprecedented legal decision, the FDA allowed the Pentagon to give un-approved drugs and vaccines to soldiers without their consent. The Pentagon also refused to identify the types of drugs and injections the troops were given forcibly, rendering them powerless against genetically altered “super germs.”

As many as 60,000 of the 700,000 Gulf War vets who served in Desert Storm in 1991 are ill with a variety of symptoms lumped together as Persian Gulf War Syndrome (GWS). Symptoms include chronic fatigue, severe neurological disorders, muscle and joint pain, shortness of breath, gastrointestinal problems, memory loss, insomnia, rashes, depression, headaches, and other complaints. GWS is a sexually transmitted disease, and is contagious via the airborne route. Soldiers are passing the illness on to wives and family members; and their children appear to have an increased incidence of birth defects.

The government and the Pentagon stand accused of ignoring the vets by denying they were exposed to chemical or biological agents in the Gulf. Originally many vets were told by military doctors that their symptoms were caused by stress. The large number of sick vets led to an official inquiry.

In August 1995, a massive government study of GWS indicated no evidence of so-called Gulf War disease. Dr. Stephen Joseph, assistant secretary of defense for health affairs, claimed the soldiers were suffering from “multiple” diseases not stemming from any one cause, and that their collective health was no worse than their counterparts in civilian life. The report denied that vets were exposed to chemical agents in the Gulf.

Reynaldo Negrete, in a letter of protest to the Los Angeles Times (8/20/95), wrote: When my son Ruben, a career Navy Seebee of 14 years, was sent to the Gulf he was a healthy young man weighing 185 pounds. When he came back four months later he had lost 20 pounds and his health. He continued to lose weight for more than a year, but the doctors at Port Hueneme and his command did nothing. Not until I had my congressman, Matthew G. Martinez, intervene on his behalf was our son admitted to the Naval Hospital in San Diego a year after arriving from the Gulf War a very sick young man. He then spent a year in the hospital, until he was medically discharged from the Navy no better off than the day he was admitted. Yet, my son continues to suffer, as does his family. My son has served his country very well, for more than 14 years. He has been deployed all over the world, and in just four short months in the Persian Gulf he comes home an invalid.”

A year later, in 1996, the Department of Defense finally admitted that 400 soldiers (later changed to 5,000; still later to 20,000) may have been exposed to toxic agents when, after the war had officially ended, the military blew up an ammunition storage depot in Kamisiyah in southern Iraq on March 4 and again on March 10, 1991. After the bombings, a U.N. inspection team informed Pentagon officials that the buildings contained chemical weapons. However, the Pentagon immediately classified the U.N. report and the troops were never alerted about possible exposure to toxic chemicals.

Despite the cover-up, exposure to chemicals cannot account for so many sick soldiers. Not all sick vets were stationed in the Kamisiyah area. Many left the Iraqi war zone before the war actually started, or arrived after the fighting stopped. In addition, exposure to chemicals cannot explain why some cases of GWS are contagious.

The first media reports of a Gulf illness surfaced in the spring of 1992, a year after the war ended. As time passed, the transmissibility of the disease was downplayed, as well as the fact that wives complained about miscarriages and “burning semen” after sex with their husbands. Veteran’s groups now claim that a third of Gulf War babies are born with birth abnormalities. LIFE magazine (November 1996) featured a story on these Gulf babies entitled “The tiny victims of Desert Storm: Has our country abandoned them?” Pictured on the cover was U.S. Army Sgt. Paul Hansen holding his three-year-old son, born with hands and feet attached to twisted stumps.

In the search for a cause of GWS, epidemiologists have been looking for a common factor that could have exposed so many Gulf War vets. Some sick vets were in the war zone for months, while others were stationed there for as little as nine days. And the illness has affected troops stationed in widely scattered geographic areas in the region.

One factor common to all the troops is that they were given experimental and potentially dangerous drugs and vaccines employed to protect them against Iraqi chemical and biowarfare agents. As early as December 1990, there were warnings about using our servicemen as medical guinea pigs. In an unprecedented legal decision, the FDA allowed the Pentagon to give unapproved drugs and vaccines without requiring consent of the soldiers. Claiming security reasons, the Pentagon also refused to identify the types or the number of drugs and injections they forced the troops to take.

An angry serviceman stationed in Saudi Arabia maintained his civil rights were violated, and sued the government in January 1991. Ever since the post World War II Nuremberg trials, which convicted many top-ranking Nazis for crimes against human nature, it has been unethical and unlawful to use people as guinea pigs in experiments without their informed consent. This legal requirement was waived when the lawsuit was dismissed by U.S. District Judge Stanley S. Harris, who cited the necessity of the military to protect the health of its troops.

Soldiers who rejected the injections were given them forcibly. Physicians who refused to cooperate with the military’s experimental vaccine program were treated harshly. Army reservist Dr. Yolanda Huet-Vaughn protested it was her duty under the Nuremberg Code of Justice not to vaccinate personnel with experimental vaccines without their consent. At Huet-Vaughn’s court-martial trial, a military judge ignored these considerations of international law and medical ethics, and sentenced the mother of three children to 30 months in prison. Under pressure from activist groups, the doctor was released from military prison after serving eight months.

Allegations that experimental drugs and vaccines are a cause of GWS have been downplayed for obvious reasons. The Pentagon does not want to publicize the idea that PGS could be a man-made disease due to unethical experiments with dangerous and possibly contaminated vaccines. Furthermore, the military has a long history of conducting covert medical experiments on its own personnel, as well as civilians; and the Agent Orange cover-up is still fresh in the minds of Vietnam war vets.

GWS is not limited to American soldiers. More than 1,100 British vets are ill. Many blame the injections they received against anthrax and plague. Englishman Tony Flint, associated with the Gulf War Veterans and Families Association, claims more than 100 vets have died of ailments ascribed to the inoculations. He says he was forced to take 13 inoculations in one week, and states there is no evidence of GWS among French troops who did not receive these vaccines.

The HIV Connection

Garth Nicholson and his wife Nancy, both respected microbiologists, have recently discovered a bacterium, a so-called “mycoplasma” in the blood of half the vets ill with GWS. The microbe associated with GWS has been identified as Mycoplasma fermentans (incognitus strain). Discovered a century ago in plants, mycoplasmas are the smallest known self-replicating microbes. Larger than viruses and much smaller than common bacteria, mycoplasmas have been implicated in a variety of diseases.

The mycoplasma in GWS could not be identified using standard lab tests. Through special genetic testing Garth Nicolson was able to discover the mycoplasma. Incredibly, the microbe had a piece of the envelope gene of the AIDS virus (HIV-1) attached to it! The HIV gene makes the mycoplasma even more aggressive, allowing it to attach to cells, which it then penetrates and poisons. According to Nicolson, a mycoplasma combined with the envelope gene of the AIDS retrovirus could never have originated in nature, but only through gene splicing in a laboratory.

Both Nicolsons contracted GWD from their daughter when she returned home from Desert Storm. Because of the contagious nature of the disease, the microbiologists suspected an infectious agent, rather than a chemical weapon. When the mycoplasma was identified, the research team discovered that treatment with antibiotics, particularly doxicycline, was helpful in some cases.
In an interview on the Dave Emory radio show (10/20/96), Garth Nicolson theorizes that the microbe could have been deployed through contaminated vaccines, through the deliberate release of Iraqi bioweapons, from blowback from destroyed Iraqi bioweapon factories, or possibly from scud missile attacks. He says there has been a Mycoplasma Unit at the University of Baghdad for 22 years, manned by Iraqi scientists who were trained in the U.S. Before the war, the U.S. government exported to Iraq various biological agents, both classified and unclassified, that could be used or developed as biological warfare agents.
Did this mycoplasma + HIV bioweapon originate in the U.S. or in the Gulf? It would be extremely helpful to know if there are cases of GWS in Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and elsewhere in the Middle East. Surprisingly, the government and the media are silent on this question, although Nicolson claims 300,000 Iraqis have died and one million are sick since the war. It is rumored that 15-20% of the population of the countries surrounding Iraq are ill with GWS.

In a 40-page report entitled “Germ Warfare against America: The Desert Storm Plague and Cover-Up, Nicolson reports:
Mycoplasma fermentans (incognitus) has been tested on the Texas Department of Corrections prisoners in the late 1980s prior to the Gulf War. It was tested on death row inmates as well as other inmates in Huntsville, Texas. The guards then contracted it from the inmates, and the guards then gave it to their families and community. This mycoplasma vaccine testing was funded by the U.S. Army, and today there is an outbreak of 350 people in the Huntsville area with a strange disease resembling GWS.
Garth Nicolson’s important research has appeared in the underground press, but until recently his research has been ignored by the mainstream, corporate-controlled media. On the Emory show Nicolson was asked how many soldiers have died of GWS.

Although there are no official figures, he estimates that 12-15,000 vets have died of “unusual” diseases, and several thousand have died of cancer. If true, these death rates are very high considering the young age (under 25) of many of our soldiers. Apparently doctors, nurses, and medical personnel are contracting GWS from sick patients, indicating another AIDS-like epidemic in the making.

Further complicating the epidemiology of GWS is that soldiers’ shot records and even medical records have disappeared or are unavailable. In addition, the Los Angeles Times (12/5/96) reports that military logs “crucial to Gulf War veterans who believe their health problems are linked to chemical weapons” are also missing and can’t be found. These important logs cover the period March 4-10, during the bombings at Kamisiyah. The Senate Veterans Affairs Committee has recently won permission to examine General Norman Schwartzkopf’s personal logs.

At the request of Rep. Norm Dicks of Washington state, a group of military and civilian scientists and Pentagon experts met on December 23, 1996, at Walter Reed Army Hospital in Washington, to discuss Nicolson’s research. Walter Reed spokesman Ben Smith said the Army would agree to study his mycoplasma research as part of its investigation into the cause of GWS.
On December 27, 1996, a story about Garth Nicolson’s research appeared on the front-page of the Los Angeles Times. However, the most significant part of Nicholson’s research, namely that the mycoplasma had a piece of HIV attached to it, was not mentioned. The origin of the microbe was left in doubt, the writer simply stating that Nicolson’s research suggests “the primitive bacterium, called mycoplasma, was deliberately altered for Iraqi use as a biological weapon.”

Also not mentioned in the media was previous mycoplasma research conducted by the military a decade earlier. In 1986 Dr. Shyh-Ching Lo, a molecular biologist at the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology in Washington, D.C., reported a “virus-like agent” derived from Kaposi’s sarcoma, the “gay cancer” associated with AIDS. Using highly technical methods of molecular biology, Lo’s “virus” was subsequently identified as the bacterium Mycoplasma fermentans (also known as M. incognitus). In 1989, Lo also reported similar mycoplasma infection as the cause of death in six young, previously healthy military personnel from New Jersey, Virginia, Guam, and Turkey, all of whom died within one to seven weeks from a progressive and mysterious “flu-like disease.” In 1991 Lo found yet another mycoplasma, Mycoplasma penetrans, in the urine of gays with AIDS. Luc Montagnier, the co-discoverer of the AIDS virus, has confirmed Lo’s mycoplasma research. The Pasteur Institute virologist believes mycoplasmas are a necessary “co-factor” that allows HIV infection to progress to full-blown AIDS.

Are mycoplasmas being developed as biological warfare weapons? Certainly all known infectious agents are screened for possible military use by biowarfare scientists around the world. As stated, there was a Mycoplasma lab in Iraq. Before the Gulf War the Iraqis freely used nerve gas against the Kurds in Northern Iraq; and after the war they used mustard gas against Shiite Muslim nomads in southern Iraq. And the U.S. Army conducted mycoplasma research in Huntsville, Texas.

Before the Gulf War the mixing of the AIDS virus (HIV) with mycoplasmas in the laboratory by Lo and Montagnier was recorded in the scientific literature. When mycoplasma was added to HIV-infected blood cells in test tubes, it made the AIDS virus more pathogenic. Silver-leaf monkeys experimentally infected with Lo’s mycoplasma all developed infections, immunosuppression, and died within 7 to 9 months with an AIDS-like “wasting syndrome.”

A “Mycoplasma Workshop,” sponsored by The National Institutes of Allergy and Infectious Diseases, was held in San Antonio, Texas, in December 1989. Lo’s research was featured. When asked if his fatal mycoplasma “flu cases” were contagious, Lo replied, “We don’t know.” Interestingly, some of Lo’s patients improved with the antibiotic doxycycline, the same drug Nicolson has found effective in some cases of GWS.

Most physicians know little about mycoplasma infection, and even less about testing for these microbes. For many years this writer has reported mycoplasma-like organisms discovered in the damaged tissue of cancer, AIDS, and in auto-immune disease. This research has been published in medical journals and summarized in two books by this author: AIDS: The Mystery and the Solution (1984) and The Cancer Microbe (1990). Unfortunately, this research has been largely ignored by the AIDS and cancer establishments, as well as by so-called mycoplasma experts. These bacteria can be easily seen microscopically in the diseased tissue of AIDS (including Kaposi’s sarcoma), cancer, and certain other diseases of unknown cause.

As some people in medical science are aware, important and valid scientific discoveries are ignored because they are “politically incorrect.” Lo’s mycoplasma research has been largely ignored by the leading virologists who direct AIDS research. Similarly, Lo has ignored the published research of hundreds of other researchers who have shown mycoplasma-like microbes in cancer, AIDS, and immune diseases. The inability of scientists to consider “politically incorrect” scientific findings may explain why physicians currently have such difficulty understanding and treating new epidemics like AIDS and GWS, in which these microbes are operative.

Why does the military ignore GWS and deny its existence? Undoubtedly, chemical and biological weapons were employed in the Gulf War. Was the military fully capable of detecting these bioweapons? Or was the detection of chemical agents and bioweapons ignored or covered up? Is the military capable of protecting its troops from modern day biowarfare? Are soldiers now powerless against genetically engineered “supergerms” deployed by biowarfare scientists?

In the future, will soldiers willingly go into battle knowing that exposure to bioweapons will be ignored by their government, and knowing that no one is immune from the effects of these man-made microbes of death?•
References

“Government study of veterans finds no evidence of a Gulf War disease,” by Art Pine, Los Angeles Times, August 2, 1995.
“Gulf War toxins: Pentagon’s credibility sinks even lower,” Editorial, Los Angeles Times, October 24, 1996.
“U.N. aide fears Iraq could turn imported medicine into weapons,” by Paul Lewis, The New York Times, November 11, 1990.
“Troops may get unlicensed drug,” by Gina Kolata, The New York Times, January 4, 1991.
“Guinea pigs and disposable GIs,” by Tod Ensign, Covert Action Bulletin, Winter 1992-1993.
“Gulf War veterans seek restitution for ailments,” by William D Montalbano, Los Angeles Times, November 30, 1996.
“Were biological weapons used against our forces in the Gulf War?,” by Garth and Nancy Nicolson, Townsend Letter for Doctors & Patients, May 1996.
“Papers on Gulf War missing,” Los Angeles Times, December 5, 1996.
“Army to review link between germ, Gulf War syndrome,” by Renee Tawa, Los Angeles Times, December 27, 1996.
“Isolation and identification of a novel virus from patients with AIDS,” by Shyh-Ching Lo, American Journal of Tropical Hygiene, Vol 35(4), 1986, pp. 675-676.
“Mycoplasma and AIDS: what connection?,” Lancet, January 5, 1991.
Dave Emory’s “One Step Beyond” interview with Nicolson, available from Spitfire, Box 1179, Ben Lomond, CA 95005.
Cantwell Jr, Alan, The Cancer Microbe, Los Angeles, Aries Rising Press, 1990.
Cantwell Jr, Alan, AIDS: The Mystery & The Solution, Los Angeles, Aries Rising Press, 1986.

Friday, February 10, 2012

NYPD shooting: Justified or not?

A Raucous Protest Against a Police Killing

By TIM STELLOH

It was a dramatic conclusion to a day of protest: Leona Virgo, whose younger brother was shot to death by a police officer in the bathroom of their family’s home on Thursday, was hoisted above a sea of supporters outside the 47th Precinct station house in the Bronx on Monday night.

As the crowd condemned a dozen officers positioned outside the station — comparing them to members of the Ku Klux Klan, for instance — Ms. Virgo remembered her brother, Ramarley Graham, for the crowd.

“I never wanted him to go out like this,” said Ms. Virgo, 22, tearing up. “He was only 18 years old.”

But, she added: “This is not just about Ramarley. This is about all young black men.”

That theme was echoed throughout the afternoon, as hundreds gathered outside the family’s home on East 229th Street for what was, at times, a chaotic condemnation of police violence and the killing of Mr. Graham, who was unarmed.

The authorities are investigating the shooting, which happened after narcotics officers followed Mr. Graham into the apartment thinking that he was armed, the police said. An officer confronted Mr. Graham, who was in the bathroom, possibly trying to flush marijuana down the toilet, the authorities said. Moments later, the officer fired a shot, killing him.

On Monday, a makeshift memorial of candles and flowers outside the family’s home, a second-floor apartment in a three-story building, included more than half a dozen posters scrawled with anti-Police Department slogans.

“Blood is on your shoulders NYPD Killer!!” one poster read.

Juanita Young, 57, came to support Mr. Graham’s mother. Her son, Malcolm Ferguson, 23, was shot to death by the police in the South Bronx on March 1, 2000, for reasons still unclear to her. She received $4.4 million in 2007 after the city settled a wrongful-death suit, she said. “I know this mother’s pain,” Ms. Young said. “The pain we walk — can’t nothing touch that pain.”

Some feared that their children might be next; others wanted vengeance. “I don’t want justice,” said Arlene Brooks, 49. “I want revenge.”

Despite that tension, there did not appear to be any violence, and the crowd occasionally broke into song. About 6 p.m., Mr. Graham’s father, Franclot Graham, addressed the group, telling supporters to remember to celebrate his son’s life.

The raucous gathering was then led to the station house by Mr. Graham; his son’s mother, Constance Malcolm; and his son’s grandmother Patricia Hartley. Afterward, children riding bicycles down the street could be heard chanting one of the protest’s mantras: “NYPD-KKK.”

N.J. State Police get profiling reminders

N.J. State Police get profiling reminders

We have gone down this road before. I hope that we don't return to yesteryear.